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André Breton

  • FIRST MANIFESTO ( Dec. 1924)
Freud and Dream

We are still living under the reign of logic, but the logical processes of our time apply only to the solution of problems of secondary interest. The absolute rationalism which remains in fashion allows for the consideration of only those facts narrowly relevant to our experience. Logical conclusions, on the other hand, escape us. Needless to say, boundaries have been assigned even to experience. It revolves in a cage from which release is becoming increasingly difficult. It too depends upon immediate utility and is guarded by common sense. In the guise of civilization, under the pretext of progress, we have succeeded in dismissing from our minds anything that, rightly or wrongly, could be regarded as superstition or myth; and we have proscribed every way of seeking the truth which does not conform to convention. It would appear that it is by sheer chance that an aspect of intellectual life - and by far the most important in my opinion — about which no one was supposed to be concerned any longer has, recently, been brought back to light. Credit for this must go to Freud. On the evidence of his discoveries a current of opinion is at last developing which will enable the explorer of the human mind to extend his investigations, since he will be empowered to deal with more than merely summary realities. Perhaps the imagination is on the verge of recovering its rights. If the depths of our minds conceal strange forces capable of augmenting or conquering those on the surface, it is in our greatest interest to capture them; first to capture them and later to submit them, should the occasion arise, to the control of reason. The analysts themselves can only gain by this. But it is important to note that there is no method fixed a priori for the execution of this enterprise, that until the new order it can be considered the province of poets as well as scholars, and that its success does not depend upon the more or less capricious routes which will be followed.

It was only fitting that Freud should appear with his critique on the dream. In fact, it is incredible that this important part of psychic activity has still attracted so little attention. (For, at least from man's birth to his death, thought presents no solution of continuity; the sum of dreaming moments - even taking into consideration pure dream alone, that of sleep - is from the point of view of time no less than the sum of moments of reality, which we shall confine to waking moments.) I have always been astounded by the extreme disproportion in the importance and seriousness assigned to events of the waking moments and to those of sleep by the ordinary observer. Man, when he ceases to sleep, is above all at the mercy of his memory, and the memory normally delights in feebly retracing the circumstance of the dream for him, depriving it of all actual consequence and obliterating the only determinant from the point at which he thinks he abandoned this constant hope, this anxiety, a few hours earlier. He has the illusion of continuing something worthwhile. The dream finds itself relegated to a parenthesis, like the night. And in general it gives no more counsel than the night. This singular state of affairs seems to invite a few reflections:

1. Within the limits to which its performance is restricted (or what passes for performance), the dream, according to all outward appearances, is continuous and bears traces of organization. Only memory claims the right to edit it, to suppress transitions and present us with a series of dreams rather than the dream. Similarly, at no given instant do we have more than a distinct representation of realities whose co-ordination is a matter of will.(1) It is important to note that nothing leads to a greater dissipation of the constituent elements of the dream. I regret discussing this according to a formula which in principle ex- cludes the dream. For how long, sleeping logicians, philosophers? I would like to sleep in order to enable myself to surrender to sleepers, as I surrender to those who read me with their eyes open, in order to stop the conscious rhythm of my thought from prevailing over this material. Perhaps my dream of last night was a continuation of the preceding night's, and will be continued tonight with an admirable precision. It could be, as they say. And as it is in no way proven that, in such a case, the 'reality' with which I am concerned even exists in the dream state, or that it does not sink into the immemorial, then why should I not concede to the dream what I sometimes refuse to reality - that weight of self-assurance which by its own terms is not exposed to my denial? Why should I not expect more of the dream sign than I do of a daily increasing degree of consciousness? Could not the dreams as well be applied to the solution of life's fundamental problems? Are these problems the same in one case as in the other, and do they already exist in the dream? Is the dream less oppressed by sanctions than the rest? I am growing old and, perhaps more than this reality to which I believe myself confined, it is the dream, and the detachment that I owe to it, which is ageing me.

2 I return to the waking state. I am obliged to retain it as a phenomenon of interference. Not only does the mind show a strange tendency to disorientation under these conditions (this is the clue to slips of the tongue and lapses of all kinds whose secret is just beginning to be surrendered to us), but when function- ing normally the mind still seems to obey none other than those suggestions which rise from that deep night I am commending. Sound as it may be, its equilibrium is relative. The mind hardly dares express itself and, when it does, is limited to stating that this idea or that woman has an effect on it. What effect it cannot say; thus it gives the measure of its subjectivism and nothing more. The idea, the woman, disturbs it, disposes it to less severity. Their role is to isolate one second of its discappearance and remove it to the sky in that glorious acceleration that it can be, that it is. Then, as a last resort, the mind invokes chance - a more obscure divinity than the others - to whom it attributes all its aberrations. Who says that the angle from which that idea is presented which affects the mind, as well as what the mind loves in that woman's eye, is not precisely the same thing that attracts the mind to its dream and reunites it with data lost through its own error? And if things were otherwise, of what might the mind not be capable? I should like to present it with the key to that passage.

3 The mind of the dreaming man is fully satisfied with whatever happens to it. The agonizing question of possibility does not arise. Kill, plunder more quickly, love as much as you wish. And if you die, are you not sure of being roused from the dead? Let yourself be led. Events will not tolerate deferment. You have no name. Everything Is inestimably easy.

What power, I wonder, what power so much more generous than others confers this natural aspect upon the dream and makes me welcome unreservedly a throng of episodes whose strangeness would overwhelm me if they were happening as I write this? And yet I can believe it with my own eyes, my own ears. That great day has come, that beast has spoken.

If man's awakening is harsher, if he breaks the spell too well, it is because he has been led to form a poor idea of expiation.

4 When the time comes when we can submit the dream to a methodical examination, when by methods yet to be determined we succeed in realizing the dream in its entirety (and that implies a memory discipline measurable in generations, but we can still begin by recording salient facts), when the dream's curve is developed with an unequalled breadth and regularity, then we can hope that mysteries which are not really mysteries will give way to the great Mystery. I believe in the future resolution of these two states -- outwardly so contradictory -- which are dream and reality, into a sort of absolute reality, a surreality, so to speak, I am aiming for its conquest, certain that I myself shall not attain it, but too indifferent to my death not to calculate the joys of such possession.

They say that not long ago, just before he went to sleep, Saint-Pol-Roux placed a placard on the door of his manor at Camaret which read: THE POET WORKS.


The «Marvelous»

There is still a great deal to say, but I did want to touch lightly, in passing, upon a subject which in itself would require a very long exposition with a different precision. I shall return to it. For the time being my intention has been to see that justice was done to that hatred of the marvellous which rages in certain men, that ridicule under which they would like to crush it. Let us resolve, therefore: the Marvellous is always beautiful, everything marvellous is beautiful. Nothing but the Marvellous is beautiful.

The words that «knock at the window»

... One night, before falling asleep, I became aware of a most bizarre sentence, clearly articulated to the point where it was impossible to change a word of it, but still separate from the sound of any voice. It came to me bearing no trace of the events with which I was involved at that time, at least to my conscious knowledge. It seemed to me a highly insistent sentence - a sentence, I might say, which knocked at the window. I quickly took note of it and was prepared to disregard it when something about its whole character held me back. The sentence truly astounded me. Unfortunately I still cannot remember the exact words to this day, but it was something like: 'A man is cut in half by the window'; but it can only suffer from ambiguity, accompanied as it was by the feeble visual representation of a walking man cut in half by a window perpendicular to the axis of his body. ^ It was probably a simple matter of a man leaning on the window and then straightening up. But the window followed the movements of the man, and I realized that I was dealing with a very rare type of image. Immediately I had the idea of incorporating it into my poetic material, but no sooner had I invested it with poetic form than it went on to give way to a scarcely intermittent succession of sentences which surprised me no less than the first and gave me the impression of such a free gift that the control which I had had over myself up to that point seemed illusory and I no longer thought of anything but how to put an end to the interminable quarrel which was taking place within me.

Totally involved as I was at the time with Freud, and familiar with his methods of examination which I had had some occasion to practise on the sick during the war, I resolved to obtain from myself what one seeks to obtain from a patient - a spoken monologue uttered as rapidly as possible, over which the critical faculty of the subject has no control, unencumbered by any reticence, which is spoken thought as far as such a thing is possible. It seemed to me, and still does - the manner in which the sentence about the man cut in two came to me proves it - that the speed of thought is no greater than that of words, and that it does not necessarily defy language or the moving pen. It was with this in mind that Philippe Soupault (with whom I had shared these first conclusions) and I undertook to cover some paper with writing, with a laudable contempt for what might result in terms of literature. The ease of realization did the rest. At the end of the first day we were able to read to each other around fifty pages obtained by this method, and began to compare our results. Altogether, those of Soupault and my own presented a remarkable similarity, even including the same faults in construction: in both cases there was the illusion of an extra- ordinary verve, a great deal of emotion, a considerable assortment of images of a quality such as we would never have been capable of achieving in ordinary writing, a very vivid graphic quality, and here and there an acutely comic passage. The only difference between our texts seemed to me essentially due to our respective natures (Soupault's is less static than mine) and, if I may hazard a slight criticism, due to the fact that he had made the mistake of distributing a few words in the way of titles at the head of certain pages — no doubt in the spirit of mystification. On the other hand, I must give him credit for maintaining his steadfast opposition to the slightest alteration in the course of any passage which seemed to me rather badly put. He was completely right on this point, of course. In fact it is very difficult to appreciate the full value of the various elements when confronted by them. It can even be said to be impossible to appreciate them at the first reading. These elements are outwardly as strange to you who have written them as to anyone else, and you are naturally distrustful of them. Poetically speaking, they are especially endowed with a very high degree of immediate absurdity. The peculiarity of this absurdity, on closer examination, comes from their capitulation to everything — both inadmissible and legitimate - In the world, to produce a revelation of a certain number of premises and facts generally no less objective than any others.

In homage to Guillaume Apollinaire - who died recently, and who appears to have consistently obeyed a similar impulse to ours without ever really sacrificing mediocre literary means - Soupault and I used the name SURREALISM to designate the new mode of pure expression which we had at our disposal and with which we were anxious to benefit our friends. Today I do not believe anything more need be said about this word. The meaning which we have given it has generally prevailed over Apollinaire's meaning. With even more justification we could have used SUPERNATURALISM, employed by Gerard de Nerval in the dedication of Filles de Feu. In fact, Nerval appears to have possessed to an admirable extent the spirit to which we refer. Apollinaire, on the other hand, possessed only the letter of surrealism (which was still imperfect) and showed himself powerless to give it the theoretical insight that engages us. Here are two passages by Nerval which appear most significant in this regard:


'I will explain to you, my dear Dumas, the phenomenon of which you spoke above. As you know, there are certain story-tellers who cannot invent without identifying themselves with the characters from their imagination. You know with what conviction our old friend Nodier told how he had had the misfortune to be guillotined at the time of the Revolution; one became so convinced that one wondered how he had managed to stick his head back on.'
'... And since you have had the imprudence to cite one of the sonnets composed in this state of SUPERNATURALIST reverie, as the Germans would say, you must hear all of them. You will find them at the end of the volume. They are hardly more obscure than Hegel's metaphysics or Swedenborg's MEMORABLES, and would lose their charm in explication, if such a thing were possible, so concede me at least the merit of their expression . . .'(6)
It would be dishonest to dispute our right to employ the word SURREALISM in the very particular sense in which we intend it, for it is clear that before we came along this word amounted to nothing. Thus I shall define it once and for all:

SURREALISM, noun, masc., Pure psychic automatism by which it is intended to express, either verbally or in writing, the true function of thought. Thought dictated in the absence of all control exerted by reason, and outside all aesthetic or moral preoccupations.

ENCYCL. Philos. Surrealism is based on the belief in the superior reality of certain forms of association heretofore neglected, in the omnipotence of the dream, and in the disinterested play of thought. It leads to the permanent destruction of all other psychic mechanisms and to its substitution for them in the solution of the principal problems of life.






  • "And ever since I have had a great desire to show forbearance to scientific musing, however unbecoming, in the final analysis, from every point of view. Radio? Fine. Syphilis? If you like. Photography? I don't see any reason why not. The cinema? Three cheers for darkened years War? Gave us a good laugh. The telephone? Hello. Youth? Charming white hair. Try to make me say thank you: 'Thank you.' Thank you." Manifesto of Surrealism


  • "(Surrealism) declares that it is able, by its own means, to uproot thought from an increasingly cruel state of thralldom, to steer it back onto the path of total comprehension, return it to its original purity." Second Manifesto of Surrealism
  • "The simplest Surrealist act consists of dashing down into the street, pistol in hand, and firing blindly, as fast as you can pull the trigger, into the crowd." Second Manifesto of Surrealism
  • "Surrealism, as I envisage it, proclaims loudly enough our absolute nonconformity, that there may be no question of calling it, in the case against the real world, as a witness for the defense. It could only account, on the contrary, for the complete state of distraction which we hope to attain here below. Kant's absentmindedness about women, Pasteur'sabsentmindedness about 'grapes,' Curie's absentmindedness about vehicles, are in this respect, deeply symptomatic." 1924, Manifesto of Surrealism
 
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CONT'D

Fires

The decision to burn looted businesses can be seen as tactically intelligent.
It contributed to depleting police resources, since the firefighters forced to
continually extinguish structure fires all over town required heavy police
escorts. This severely impacted their ability to intervene in situations of
ongoing looting, the vast majority of which they never responded to (the malls
and the Super Target store on University Ave being exceptions). This has played
out differently in other cities, where police opted not to escort firefighters.
Perhaps this explains why demonstrators fired in the air around firefighting
vehicles during the Watts rebellion.

In the case of the Third Precinct, the burning of the Autozone had two
immediate consequences: first, it forced the police to move out into the street
and establish a perimeter around the building for firefighters. While this
diminished the clash at the site of the precinct, it also pushed the crowd down
Lake Street, which subsequently induced widespread looting and contributed to
the diffusion of the riot across the whole neighborhood. By interrupting the
magnetic force of the Precinct, the police response to the fire indirectly
contributed to expanding the riot across the city.

The Pattern of the Battle and "Composition"

We call the battles of the second and third days at the Precinct a siege
because the police were defeated by attrition. The pattern of the battle was
characterized by steady intensification punctuated by qualitative leaps due to
the violence of the police and the spread of the conflict into looting and
attacks on corporate-owned buildings. The combination of the roles listed above
helped to create a situation that was unpoliceable, yet which the police were
stubbornly determined to contain. The repression required for every containment
effort intensified the revolt and pushed it further out into the surrounding
area. By Day Three, all of the corporate infrastructure surrounding the Third
Precinct had been destroyed and the police had nothing but a "kingdom of ashes"
to show for their efforts. Only their Precinct remained, a lonely target with
depleted supplies. The rebels who showed up on Day Three found an enemy
teetering on the brink. All it needed was a final push.

Day Two of the uprising began with a rally: attendees were on the streets,
while the police were stationed on top of their building with an arsenal of
crowd control weaponry. The pattern of struggle began during the rally, when
the crowd tried to climb over the fences that protected the Precinct in order
to vandalize it. The police fired rubber bullets in response as rally speakers
called for calm. After some time passed and more speeches were made, people
tried again. When the volley of rubber bullets came, the crowd responded with
rocks and water bottles. This set off a dynamic of escalation that accelerated
quickly once the rally ended. Some called for non-violence and sought to
interfere with those who were throwing things, but most people didn't bother
arguing with them. They were largely ignored or else the reply was always the
same: "That non-violence shit don't work!" In fact, neither side of this
argument was exactly correct: as the course of the battle was to demonstrate,
both sides needed each other to accomplish the historic feat of reducing the
Third Precinct to ashes.

It's important to note that the dynamic we saw on Day Two did not involve using
non-violence and waiting for repression to escalate the situation. Instead, a
number of individuals stuck their necks out very far to invite police violence
and escalation. Once the crowd and the police were locked into an escalating
pattern of conflict, the objective of the police was to expand their
territorial control radiating outward from the Precinct. When the police
decided to advance, they began by throwing concussion grenades at the crowd as
a whole and firing rubber bullets at those throwing projectiles, setting up
barricades, and firing tear gas.

The intelligence of the crowd proved itself as participants quickly learned
five lessons in the course of this struggle.

First, it is important to remain calm in the face of concussion grenades, as
they are not physically harmful if you are more than five feet away from them.
This lesson extends to a more general insight about crisis governance: don't
panic, as the police will always use panic against us. One must react quickly
while staying as calm as possible.

Second, the practice of flushing tear-gassed eyes spread rapidly from street
medics throughout the rest of the crowd. Employing stores of looted bottled
water, many people in the crowd were able to learn and quickly execute
eye-flushing. People throwing rocks one minute could be seen treating the eyes
of others in the next. This basic medic knowledge helped to build the crowd's
confidence, allowing them to resist the temptation to panic and stampede, so
that they could return to the space of engagement.

Third, perhaps the crowd's most important tactical discovery was that when one
is forced to retreat from tear gas, one must refill the space one has abandoned
as quickly as possible. Each time the crowd at the Third Precinct returned, it
came back angrier and more determined either to stop the police advance or to
make them pay as dearly as possible for every step they took.

Fourth, borrowing from the language of Hong Kong, we saw the crowd practice the
maxim "Be water." Not only did the crowd quickly flow back into spaces from
which they had to retreat, but when forced outward, the crowd didn't behave the
way that the cops did by fixating on territorial control. When they could, the
crowd flowed back into the spaces from which they had been forced to retreat
due to tear gas. But when necessary, the crowd flowed away from police advances
like a torrential destructive force. Each police advance resulted in more
businesses being smashed, looted, and burned. This meant that the police were
losers regardless of whether they chose to remain besieged or push back the
crowd.

Finally, the fall of the Third Precinct demonstrates the power of
ungovernability as a strategic aim and means of crowd activity. The more that a
crowd can do, the harder it will be to police. Crowds can maximize their agency
by increasing the number of roles that people can play and by maximizing the
complementary relationships between them.

Non-violence practitioners can use their legitimacy to temporarily conceal or
shield ballistics squads. Ballistics squads can draw police fire away from
those practicing non-violence. Looters can help feed and heal the crowd while
simultaneously disorienting the police. In turn, those going head to head with
the police can generate opportunities for looting. Light mages can provide
ballistics crews with temporary opacity by blinding the police and disabling
surveillance drones and cameras. Non-violence practitioners can buy time for
barricaders, whose works can later alleviate the need for non-violence to
secure the front line.

Here we see that an internally diverse and complex crowd is more powerful than
a crowd that is homogenous. We use the term composition to name this phenomenon
of maximizing complementary practical diversity. It is distinct from
organization because the roles are elective, individuals can shift between them
as needed or desired, and there are no leaders to assign or coordinate them.
Crowds that form and fight through composition are more effective against the
police not only because they tend to be more difficult to control, but also
because the intelligence that animates them responds to and evolves alongside
the really existing situation on the ground, rather than according to
preexisting conceptions of what a battle "ought" to look like. Not only are
"compositional" crowds more likely to engage the police in battles of
attrition, but they are more likely to have the fluidity that is necessary to
win.

As a final remark on this, we may contrast composition with the idea of
"diversity of tactics" used by the alter-globalization movement. "Diversity of
tactics" was the idea that different groups at an action should use different
tactical means in different times or spaces in order to work toward a shared
goal. In other words, "You do you and I'll do me," but without any regard for
how what I'm doing complements what you're doing and vice-versa. Diversity of
tactics is activist code for "tolerance." The crowd that formed on May 27
against the Third Precinct did not "practice the diversity of tactics," but
came together by connecting different tactics and roles to each other in a
shared space-time that enabled participants to deploy each tactic as the
situation required.

The Ambiguity of Violence and Non-Violence on the Front Lines

We are used to seeing more confrontational tactics used to shield those
practicing non-violence, as in Standing Rock and Charlottesville or in the
figure of the "front-liner" in Hong Kong. However, the reversal of this
relationship divided the functions of the "militant front-liner" (à la Hong
Kong) across two separate roles: shielding the crowd and counter-offense. This
never rose to the level of an explicit strategy in the streets; there were no
calls to "shield the throwers." In the US context, where non-violence and its
attendant innocence narratives are deeply entrenched in struggles against state
racism, it is unclear if this strategy could function explicitly without
ballistics crews first taking risks to invite bloodshed upon themselves. In
other words, it appears likely that the joining of ballistics tactics and
non-violence in Minneapolis was made possible by a tacitly shared perception of
the importance of self-sacrifice in confronting the state that forced all sides
to push through their fear.

Yet this shared perception of risk only goes so far. While peaceful protesters
probably viewed each other's gestures as moral symbols against police violence,
ballistics squads undoubtedly viewed those gestures differently, namely, as
shields, or as materially strategic opportunities. Here again, we may highlight
the power of the way that composition plays out in real situations, by pointing
out how it allows the possibility that totally different understandings of the
same tactic can coexist side by side. We combine without becoming the same, we
move together without understanding one another, and yet it works.

There are potential limits to dividing front-liner functions across these
roles. First, it doesn't challenge the valorization of suffering in the
politics of non-violence. Second, it leaves the value of ballistic
confrontation ambiguous by preventing it from coalescing in a stable role at
the front of the crowd. It is undeniable that the Third Precinct would not have
been taken without ballistic tactics. However, because the front line was
identified with non-violence, the spatial and symbolic importance of ballistics
was implicitly secondary. This leaves us to wonder whether this has made it
easier for counter-insurgency to take root in the movement through "community
policing" and its corollary, the self-policing of demonstrations and movements
within the bounds of non-violence.

Fact-Checking: A Critical Necessity for the Movement

We believe that the biggest danger facing the current movement was already
present at the Battle of the Third Precinct—namely, the danger of rumors and
paranoia. We maintain that the practice of "fact checking" is crucial for the
current movement to minimize confusion about the terrain and internal distrust
about its own composition.

We heard a litany of rumors throughout Day Two. We were told repeatedly that
riot police reinforcements were on their way to kettle us. We were warned by
fleeing crowd members that the National Guard was "twenty minutes away." A
white lady pulled up alongside us in her van and screamed "THE GAS LINES IN THE
BURNING AUTOZONE ARE GONNA BLOWWW!!!" All of these rumors proved to be false.
As expressions of panicked anxiety, they always produced the same effect: to
make the crowd second-guess their power. It was almost as if certain members of
the crowd experienced a form of vertigo in the face of the power that they
nonetheless helped to forge.

It is necessary to interrupt the rumors by asking questions of those repeating
them. There are simple questions that we can ask to halt the spread of fear and
rumors that have the effect of weakening the crowd. "How do you know this?"
"Who told you this?" "What is the source of your information?" "Is this a
confirmed fact?" "The evidence seems inconclusive; what assumptions are you
using to make a judgment?"

Along with rumors, there is also the problem of attributing disproportionate
importance to certain features of the conflict. Going into Day Two, one of the
dominant storylines was the threat of "Boogaloo boys," who had showed up the
previous day. This surprised us because we didn't encounter them on Day One. We
saw half a dozen of them on Day Two, but they had relegated themselves to the
sidelines of an event that outstripped them. Despite their proclaimed sympathy
with George Floyd, a couple of them later stood guard in front of a business to
defend it from looters. This demonstrated not only the limit of their claimed
solidarity, but also of their strategic sensibility.

Finally, we awoke on Day Three to so-called reports that either police
provocateurs or outside agitators were responsible for the previous day's
destruction. Target, Cub Foods, Autozone, Wendy's, and a half-constructed
condominium high rise had all gone up in flames by the end of the night. We
cannot discount the possibility that any number of hostile forces sought to
smear the crowd by escalating the destruction of property. If that is true,
however, it cannot be denied that their plan backfired spectacularly.

In general, the crowd looked upon these sublime fires with awe and approval.
Even on the second night, when the condominium development became fully
engulfed, the crowd sat across from it on 26th Avenue and rested as if gathered
around a bonfire. Each structure fire contributed to the material abolition of
the existing state of things and the reduction to ash became the crowd's seal
of victory. Instead of believing the rumors about provocateurs or agitators, we
find it more plausible that people who have been oppressed for centuries, who
are poor, and who are staring down the barrel of a Second Great Depression
would rather set the world on fire than suffer the sight of its order. We
interpret the structure fires as signifying that the crowd knew that the
structures of the police, white supremacy, and class are based in material
forces and buildings.

For this reason, we maintain that we should assess the threat posed by possible
provocateurs, infiltrators, and agitators on the basis of whether their actions
directly enhance or diminish the power of the crowd. We have learned that
dozens of structure fires are not enough to diminish "public support" for the
movement—though no one could have imagined this beforehand. However, those who
filmed crowd members destroying property or breaking the law—regardless of
whether they intended to inform law enforcement agencies—posed a material
threat to the crowd, because in addition to bolstering confusion and fear, they
empowered the state with access to information.

Postscript: Visions of the Commune

Ever since Guy Debord's 1965 text "The Decline and Fall of the Spectacle-
Commodity Economy," there has been a rich tradition of memorializing the
emergence of communal social life in riots. Riots abolish capitalist social
relations, which allows for new relations between people and the things that
make up their world. Here is our evidence.

When the liquor store was opened, dozens came out with cases of beer, which
were set on the ground with swagger for everyone to share. The crowd's beer of
choice was Corona.

We saw a man walk calmly out of the store with both arms full of whiskey. He
gave one to each person he passed as he walked off to rejoin the fight. Some of
the emptied liquor bottles on the street were later thrown at the police.

With buildings aflame all around us, a man walked by and said to no one in
particular, "That tobacco shop used to have a great deal on loosies... oh well.
Fuck 'em."

We saw a woman walking a grocery cart full of Pampers and steaks back to her
house. A group that was taking a snack and water break on the corner clapped in
applause as she rolled by.

After a group opened the Autozone, people sat inside smoking cigarettes as they
watched the battle between cops and rebels from behind the front window. One
could see them pointing back and forth between the police and elements in the
crowd as they spoke and nodding in response to each other. Were they seeing the
same things we were seeing?

We shopped for shoes in the ransacked storeroom of a looted Foot Locker. The
floor was covered wall to wall with half-destroyed shoeboxes, tissue paper, and
shoes. People called out for sizes and types as they rummaged. We spent fifteen
minutes just to find a matching pair until we heard the din of battle and
dipped.

On Day Three, the floors of the grocery stores that had been partially burned
out were covered in inches of sprinkler water and a foul mix of food that had
been thrown from the shelves. Still, people in rain boots could be found inside
combing over the remaining goods like they were shopping for deals. Gleaners
helped each other step over dangerous objects and, again, shared their loot
outside.

As the police made their retreat, a young Somali woman dressed in traditional
garb celebrated by digging up a landscaping brick and unceremoniously heaving
it through a bus stop shelter window. Her friends—also traditionally
dressed—raised their fists and danced.

A masked shirtless man skipped past the burning Precinct and pumped his fists,
shouting, "COVID IS OVER!" while twenty feet away, some teenage girls took a
group selfie. Instead of saying "Cheese!" they said "Death to the pigs!" Lasers
flashed across the smoke-filled sky at a police helicopter overhead.

We passed a liquor store that was being looted as we walked away from the best
party on Earth. A mother and her two young teenagers rolled up in their car and
asked if there was any good booze left. "Hell yea! Get some!" The daughter
grinned and said, "Come on! I'll help you Mommy!" They donned their COVID masks
and marched off.

A day later, before the assault on the Fifth Precinct, there was mass looting
in the Midtown neighborhood. A young kid who couldn't be more than seven or
eight years old walked up to us with a whiskey bottle sporting a rag coming out
the top. "Y'all got a light?" We laughed and asked, "What do you wanna hit?" He
pointed to a friendly grocery store and we asked if he could find "an enemy
target." He immediately turned to the US Bank across the street.

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Deleted member 1930

The dead should be fed to the homeless.

Pros:
1. The homeless don't go hungry.
2. Useful land and resources aren't wasted on long-term storage of skeletons.
3. The dying can take solace in the fact that they will be helping out the less fortunate.
4. Bankrupt the corrupt dead body industry (funeral homes, casket manufacturers and salespeople, headstone manufacturers).
5. It's more environmentally friendly than all other alternatives (no dead body industry producing pollution for no good reason, no greenhouse gases from cremation)
6. With a never-ending supply of free food comes a chance to set up many more kitchens and shelters for the homeless than already exist. Not only do these create a focal point for homeless activity, but they can also provide opportunities for the homeless to make their way out of their predicament.

Cons:
1. Relatives get sad or even angry that they don't essentially take possession of and get to do what they want with a dead body (gross and weird).
2. It might be uncomfortable for some to know the homeless are consuming dead bodies, but that will fade over time as the benefits to the world become apparent and things begin to improve in densely-populated/urban areas.
3. That's it, I guess.

The human body contains up to 150,000 calories, and that stat is at least 60 years old. In the era of morbid obesity, heart disease, and diabetes, who knows what it could be? It could be somewhere closer to 225,000 calories, for all we know. At very least, we know it's much higher, because of all the fatties.

Write your congressman today! https://www.nwyc.com/frontpage

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You forgot I suppose about the mental degradation and illness that cannibalism causes in humans?
 
You forgot I suppose about the mental degradation and illness that cannibalism causes in humans?
Taboo is the father of shame and guilt. Sanction cannibalism and ring the dinner bell, because they're literally dying in the streets from hunger and are coming your way!

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